India’s urban population has grown by 32% from 2001 to 2011 as compared to 18% growth in total population of the country.[1]  As per Census 2011, 31% of the country’s population (377 million people) live in cities, and contribute to 63% of the country’s GDP.[2]  The urban population is projected to grow up to 600 million by 2031.2  With increasing urban population, the need for providing better infrastructure and services in cities is increasing.[3]  The government has introduced several schemes to address different urban issues.  These include the Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation (AMRUT), Smart Cities Mission, Heritage City Development and Augmentation Yojana (HRIDAY), Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana – Housing for All (Urban) (PMAY-U), and Swachh Bharat Mission (Urban).

Last week the Ministry of Urban Development released the next batch of winners under the Smart Cities Mission.[4]  This takes the number of smart cities to 90.  The government has also announced a few policies and released data indicators to help with the implementation of the urban schemes.  In light of all this, we discuss how the new schemes are changing the mandate of urban development, the fiscal challenge of implementing such schemes, and the policies that are trying to address some of these challenges.

Urbanisation in India

The Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JnNURM), launched in 2005, was one of the first urban development schemes implemented by the central government.  Under JnNURM, the central government specified certain mandatory and optional reforms for cities, and provided assistance to the state governments and cities that were linked to the implementation of these reforms.  JnNURM focused on improving urban infrastructure and service delivery, community participation, and accountability of city governments towards citizens.

In comparison, the new urban schemes move beyond the mandate that was set by JnNURM.  While AMRUT captures most of the objectives under JnNURM, the other schemes seek to address issues around sanitation (through Swachh Bharat), affordable housing (through PMAY-U), and technology innovation (through Smart Cities).  Further, the new schemes seek to decentralize the planning process to the city and state level, by giving them more decision making powers.2  So, while earlier, majority of the funding came from the central and state governments, now, a significant share of the funding needs to be raised by the cities themselves.

For example, under the Smart Cities Mission, the total cost of projects proposed by the 60 smart cities (winners from the earlier rounds) is Rs 1.3 lakh crore.[5]  About 42% of this amount will come from central and state funding towards the Mission, and the rest will be raised by the cities.[6]

The new schemes suggest that cities may raise these funds through: (i) their own resources such as collection of user fees, land monetization, property taxes, etc., (ii) finance mechanisms such as municipal bonds, (iii) leveraging borrowings from financial institutions, and (iv) the private sector through Public Private Partnerships (PPPs).[7]

In 2011, an Expert Committee on Indian Urban Infrastructure and Services (HPEC) had projected that creation of the required urban infrastructure would translate into an investment of Rs 97,500 crore to Rs 1,95,000 crore annually.[8]  The current urban schemes are investing around Rs 32,500 crore annually.

Financial capacity of cities

Currently, the different sources of revenue that municipal corporations have access to include: (i) tax revenue (property tax, tax on electricity, toll tax, entertainment tax), (ii) non-tax revenue (user charges, building permission fees, sale and hire charges), (iii) grants-in-aid (from state and central governments), and (iv) debt (loans borrowed from financial institutions and banks, and municipal bonds).

While cities are now required to raise more financing for urban projects, they do not have the required fiscal and technical capacity.8,[9]  The HPEC had observed that cities in India are among the weakest in the world, both in terms of capacity to raise resources and financial autonomy.  Even though cities have been getting higher allocations from the centre and states, their own tax bases are narrow.8  Further, several taxes that cities can levy are still mandated by the state government.  Because of their poor governance and financial situation, cities also find it difficult to access external financing.8,7

In order to help cities improve their finances, the government has introduced a few policies, and released a few indicators.  Some of these are discussed below:

Policy proposals and data indicators

Value Capture Financing (VCF):  The VCF policy framework was introduced by the Ministry of Urban Development in February 2017.[10]  VCF is a principle that states that people benefiting from public investments in infrastructure should pay for it.  Currently when governments invest in roads, airports and industries in an area, private property owners in that area benefit from it.  However, governments recover only a limited value from such investments, constraining their ability to make further public investments elsewhere.  VCF helps in capturing a part of the increment in the value of land due to such investments, and use it to fund new infrastructure projects.

The different instruments of VCF include: land value tax, fee for changing land use, betterment levy, development charges, transfer of development rights, and land pooling systems.10  For example, Karnataka uses certain value capture methods to fund its mass transit projects.  The Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority (MMRDA), and City and Industrial Development Corporation Limited (CIDCO) have used betterment levy (tax levied on land that has gained in value because of public infrastructure investments) to finance infrastructure projects.

Municipal bonds:  Municipal bonds are bonds issued by urban local bodies (municipal corporations or entities owned by municipal bodies) to raise money for financing specific projects such as infrastructure projects.  The Securities and Exchange Board of India regulations (2015) regarding municipal bonds provide that, to issue such bonds, municipalities must: (i) not have negative net worth in any of the three preceding financial years, and (ii) not have defaulted in any loan repayments in the last one year.[11]  Therefore, a city’s performance in the bond market depends on its fiscal performance.  One of the ways to determine a city’s financial health is through credit ratings.

Credit rating of cities:  In September 2016, the Ministry of Urban Development started assigning cities with credit ratings.[12]  These credit ratings were assigned based on assets and liabilities of the cities, revenue streams, resources available for capital investments, accounting practices, and other governance practices.

Of the total 20 ratings ranging from AAA to D, BBB is the ‘Investment Grade’ rating and cities rated below BBB need to undertake necessary interventions to improve their ratings for obtaining positive response to the Municipal Bonds to be issued.  By March 2017, 94 cities were assigned credit ratings, 55 of which got ‘investment grade’ ratings.[13]

Credit ratings indicate what projects might be more lucrative for investments.  This, in turn, helps investors decide where to invest and determine the terms of such investments (based on the expected returns).

Earlier this month, the Pune Municipal Corporation raised Rs 200 crore through the sale of municipal bonds, to finance water supply projects under the Smart Cities Mission.[14]  The city had received an AA+ credit rating (second highest rating) in the recent credit rankings assigned by the central government.

Other than credit ratings, the Ministry of Urban Development has also come up with other data indicators around cities such as the Swachh Bharat rankings, and the City Liveability Index (measuring mobility, access to healthcare and education, employment opportunities, etc).  These rankings seek to foster a sense of competition across cities, and also help them map their performances year on year.

Some financing mechanisms, such as municipal bonds, have been around in India for the last two decades, but cities haven’t been able to make much use of them.  It remains to be seen whether the introduction of indicators such as credit ratings helps the municipal bond market take off.  While these mechanisms may improve the finances of cities, the question is would more funding solve the cities’ problems.  Or would it require municipal government to take a different approach to problem solving.

[1] Census of India, 2011.

[2] Mission Statement and Guidelines, Smart Cities, Ministry of Urban Development, June 2015, http://smartcities.gov.in/writereaddata/SmartCityGuidelines.pdf.

[3] Report on Indian Urban Infrastructure and Services, March, 2011, The High Powered Expert Committee for estimating the investment requirements for urban infrastructure services, http://icrier.org/pdf/FinalReport-hpec.pdf.

[4] “30 more smart cities announced; takes the total to 90 so far”, Press Information Bureau, Ministry of Urban Development, June 23, 2017.

[5]  Smart Cities Mission, Ministry of Urban Development, last accessed on June 30, 2017, http://smartcities.gov.in/content/.

[6] Smart City Plans, Last accessed in June 2017.

[7] “Financing of Smart Cities”, Smart Cities Mission, Ministry of Urban Development, http://smartcities.gov.in/upload/uploadfiles/files/Financing%20of%20Smart%20Cities.pdf.

[8] “Report on Indian Urban Infrastructure and Services”, March, 2011, The High Powered Expert Committee for estimating the investment requirements for urban infrastructure services, http://icrier.org/pdf/FinalReport-hpec.pdf.

[9] Fourteenth Finance Commission, Ministry of Finance, February 2015, http://finmin.nic.in/14fincomm/14fcrengVol1.pdf.

[10] Value Capture Finance Policy Framework, Ministry of Urban Development, February 2017, http://smartcities.gov.in/upload/5901982d9e461VCFPolicyFrameworkFINAL.pdf.

[11] Securities and Exchange Board of India (Issue and Listing of Debt Securities by Municipalities) Regulations, 2015, Securities and Exchange Board of India, July 15, 2015, http://www.sebi.gov.in/sebi_data/attachdocs/1436964571729.pdf.

[12] “Credit rating of cities under urban reforms begins”, Press Information Bureau, Ministry of Urban Development, September 6, 2016.

[13] “Credit Rating of Urban Local Bodies gain Momentum”, Press Information Bureau, Ministry of Urban Development, March 26, 2017.

[14] “Pune civic body raises Rs200 crore via municipal bonds”, LiveMint, June 19, 2017, http://www.livemint.com/Money/JOOzaSTKnC6k1EZGeFh8LJ/Pune-civic-body-raises-Rs200-crore-via-municipal-bonds.html.

In the past few months, retail prices of petrol and diesel have consistently increased to all-time high levels.  On October 16, 2021, the retail price of petrol in Delhi was Rs 105.5 per litre, and that of diesel was Rs 94.2 per litre.  In Mumbai, these prices were even higher at Rs 111.7 per litre and Rs 102.5 per litre, respectively.

The difference in fuel retail prices in the two cities is due to the different tax rates levied by the respective state governments on the same products.  In this blog post, we look at the tax components in the price structure of petrol and diesel, the variation in these across states, and the major changes in taxation of these products in the recent years.  We also discuss changes in the retail prices over the past few years and how it compares vis-à-vis the global crude oil prices.

Taxes make up around 50% of the retail price

Public sector Oil Marketing Companies (OMCs) revise the retail prices of petrol and diesel in India on a daily basis, according to changes in the price of global crude oil.  The price charged to dealers includes the base price set by OMCs and the freight price.   As on October 16, 2021, the price charged to dealers makes up 42% of the retail price in the case of petrol, and 49% of the retail price in the case of diesel (Table 1).

The break-up of retail prices of petrol and diesel in Delhi (as on October 16, 2021), shows that around 54% of the retail price of petrol comprises central and states taxes.  In the case of diesel, this is close to 49%.  The central government taxes the production of petroleum products, while states tax their sale.  The central government levies an excise duty of Rs 32.9 per litre on petrol and Rs 31.8 per litre on diesel.  These make up 31% and 34% of the current retail prices of petrol and diesel, respectively.

Table 1: Break-up of petrol and diesel retail prices in Delhi (as on October 16, 2021)

Component

Petrol

Diesel

Rs/litre

% of retail price

Rs/litre

% of retail price

Price Charged to Dealers

44.4

42%

46.0

49%

Excise Duty (levied by centre)

32.9

31%

31.8

34%

Dealer Commission (average)

3.9

4%

2.6

3%

Sales Tax/ VAT (levied by state)

24.3

23%

13.8

15%

Retail Price

105.5

100%

94.2

100%

Note: Delhi levies 30% VAT on petrol and 16.75% VAT on diesel. 
Sources: Indian Oil Corporation Limited; PRS.

While excise duty rates are uniform across the country, states levy sales tax/ Value Added Tax (VAT) which varies across states.  For instance, Odisha levies 32% VAT on petrol, while Uttar Pradesh levies 26.8% VAT or Rs 18.74 per litre, whichever is higher.   Refer to the table 3 in annexure for sales taxes/VAT levied across the country.  The figure below shows the different tax rates levied by states on petrol and diesel.  In addition to the tax rates shown in the graph, many state governments, such as Tamil Nadu, also levy certain additional levies such as cess (Rs 11.5 per litre).

Figure 1: Sales tax/VAT rates levied by states on petrol and diesel (as on October 1, 2021)

image

Note: The rates shown for Maharashtra are averages of the rates levied in the Mumbai-Thane region and in the rest of the state. Only percentages are being shown in this graph. 
Sources: Petroleum Planning and Analysis Cell, Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas; PRS.

Note that unlike excise duty, sales tax is an ad valorem tax, i.e., it does not have a fixed value, and is charged as a percentage of the price of the product.  This implies that while the value of excise duty component of the price structure is fixed, the value of the sales tax component is dependent on the other three components, i.e., price charged to dealers, dealer commission, and excise duty.

Retail prices in India compared to global crude oil price

India’s dependence on imports for consumption of petroleum products has increased over the years.  For instance, in 1998-99, net imports of petroleum products were 69% of the total consumption, which increased to around 95% in 2020-21.  Because of a large share of imports in the domestic consumption, any change in the global price of crude oil has a significant impact on the domestic prices of petroleum products.  The two figures below show the trend in the price of global crude oil and retail prices of petrol and diesel in India, over the last nine years.

Figure 2: Trend of the global crude oil price vis-à-vis retail prices of petrol and diesel (in Delhi)

image

image

Note: Global Crude Oil Price is for the Indian basket.   Petrol and diesel retail prices are for Delhi.  Figures reflect average monthly price.
Sources: Petroleum Planning and Analysis Cell, Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas; PRS.

Between June 2014 and October 2018, the retail selling prices did not adhere to change in global crude oil prices.  The global prices fell sharply between June 2014 and January 2016, and then subsequently increased between February 2016 and October 2018.  However, the retail selling prices remained stable during the entire period.  This disparity in the change in global and Indian retail prices was because of the subsequent changes in taxes.  For instance, central taxes were increased by Rs 11 and 13 between June 2014 and January 2016 on petrol and diesel respectively.  Subsequently, taxes were decreased by four rupees between February 2016 and October 2018 for petrol and diesel.  Similarly, during January-April 2020, following a sharp decline of 69% in the global crude oil prices, the central government increased the excise duty on petrol and diesel by Rs 10 per litre and Rs 13 per litre, respectively in May 2020. 

Sharp increase in excise duty collections

As a result of the increase in excise duty in May 2020, the excise duty collection increased sharply from Rs 2.38 lakh crore in 2019-20 to Rs 3.84 lakh crore in 2020-21.  The year-on-year growth rate of excise duty collection increased from 4% in 2019-20 to 67% in 2020-21.  However, sales tax collections (from petroleum products) during that period remained more or less constant (Figure 3).  

Figure 3: Excise duty and sales tax/ VAT collection from petroleum products (in Rs lakh crore) 

image

Note: The excise duty component in the figure includes cess on crude oil.
Sources: Petroleum Planning and Analysis Cell, Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas; PRS.

Share of states in excise duty has decreased over the years

Though central taxes (such as excise duty) are levied by the centre, it has only 59% of the revenue from these taxes.  The remaining 41% of the revenue is required to be devolved to the state governments as per the recommendations of the 15th Finance Commission.  These devolved taxes are un-tied in nature, states can spend them according to their own discretion.  The excise duty levied on petrol and diesel consists of two broad components: (i) tax component (i.e., basic excise duty), and (ii) cess and surcharge component.  Of this, only the revenue generated from the tax component is devolved to states.  Revenue generated by the centre from any cess or surcharge is not devolved to states.  Currently, the Agriculture Infrastructure and Development Cess, and the Road and Infrastructure Cess are levied on the sale of petrol and diesel in addition to the surcharge.  

In the Union Budget 2021-22, the Agriculture Infrastructure and Development cess on petrol and diesel was announced at Rs 2.5 per litre and Rs 4 per litre, respectively.  However, simultaneously, the basic excise duty and surcharge were reduced by equal amounts, so that the overall rate remains the same.  Essentially, this provision shifted a revenue of Rs 1.5 per litre of petrol and Rs 3 per litre of diesel from the states’ divisible pool of taxes to the cess and surcharge revenue, which is entirely with the centre.  Similarly, over the last four years, the share of tax component in the excise duty has decreased by 40% in petrol and 59% in diesel (table 2).  At present, majority of the excise duty levied on petrol (96%) and diesel (94%) is in the form of cess and surcharge, due to which it is entirely under the centre’s share (Table 2).  

Table 2: Break up of excise duty (Rs per litre)

Excise duty

Petrol

Diesel

Apr-17

% share of total

Feb-21

% share

Apr-17

% share of total

Feb-21

% share

Tax (devolved to states)

9.48

44%

1.4

4%

11.33

65%

1.8

6%

Cess and surcharge (centre)

12

56%

31.5

96%

6

35%

30

94%

Total

21.48

100%

32.9

100%

17.33

100%

31.8

100%

Sources: Petroleum Planning and Analysis Cell, Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas; PRS

As a result, the devolution to states out of the excise duty has declined over the last four years.   Even though the excise duty collections have increased sharply between 2019-20 and 2020-21, the devolved component has declined from Rs 26,464 to Rs 19,578 (revised estimate) in the same period.    

Annexure

Table 3: Sales taxes/VAT rates levied on petrol and diesel across states (as on October 1, 2021)

State/UT

Petrol

Diesel

Andaman & Nicobar Islands

6%

6%

Andhra Pradesh

31% VAT + Rs.4/litre VAT+Rs.1/litre Road Development Cess an

d Vat thereon

22.25% VAT + Rs.4/litre VAT+Rs.1/litre Road Development Cess and Vat thereon

Arunachal Pradesh

20%

13%

Assam

32.66% or Rs.22.63 per litre whichever is higher as VAT minus Rebate of Rs.5 per Litre

23.66% or Rs.17.45 per litre whichever is higher as VAT minus Rebate of Rs.5 per Litre

Bihar

26% or Rs 16.65/Litre whichever is higher (30% Surcharge on VAT as irrecoverable tax)

19% or Rs 12.33/Litre whichever is higher (30% Surcharge on VAT as irrecoverable tax)

Chandigarh

Rs.10/KL cess +22.45% or Rs.12.58/Litre whichever is higher

Rs.10/KL cess + 14.02% or Rs.7.63/Litre whichever is higher

Chhattisgarh

25% VAT + Rs.2/litre VAT

25% VAT + Rs.1/litre VAT

Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Daman and Diu

20% VAT

20% VAT

Delhi

30% VAT

Rs.250/KL air ambience charges + 16.75% VAT

Goa

27% VAT + 0.5% Green cess

23% VAT + 0.5% Green cess

Gujarat

20.1% VAT+ 4% Cess on Town Rate & VAT

20.2% VAT + 4 % Cess on Town Rate & VAT

Haryana

25% or Rs.15.62/litre whichever is higher as VAT+5% additional tax on VAT

16.40% VAT or Rs.10.08/litre whichever is higher as VAT+5% additional tax on VAT

Himachal Pradesh

25% or Rs 15.50/Litre- whichever is higher

14% or Rs 9.00/Litre- whichever is higher

Jammu & Kashmir

24% MST+ Rs.5/Litre employment cess, Reduction of Rs.0.50/Litre

16% MST+ Rs.1.50/Litre employment cess 

Jharkhand

22% on the sale price or Rs. 17.00 per litre , which ever is higher + Cess of Rs 1.00 per Ltr

22% on the sale price or Rs. 12.50 per litre , which ever is higher + Cess of Rs 1.00 per Ltr

Karnataka

35% sales tax

24% sales tax

Kerala

30.08% sales tax+ Rs.1/litre additional sales tax + 1% cess 

22.76% sales tax+ Rs.1/litre additional sales tax + 1% cess 

Ladakh

24% MST+ Rs.5/Litre employment cess, Reduction of Rs.2.5/Litre

16% MST+ Rs.1/Litre employment cess , Reduction of Rs.0.50/Litre

Lakshadweep

Nil

Nil

Madhya Pradesh

33 % VAT + Rs.4.5/litre VAT+1%Cess

23% VAT+ Rs.3/litre VAT+1% Cess

Maharashtra – Mumbai, Thane , Navi Mumbai,  Amravati & Aurangabad

26% VAT+ Rs.10.12/Litre additional tax 

24% VAT+ Rs.3.00/Litre additional tax 

Maharashtra (Rest of State)

25% VAT+ Rs.10.12/Litre additional tax 

21% VAT+ Rs.3.00/Litre additional tax 

Manipur

32% VAT

18% VAT

Meghalaya

20% or Rs15.00/Litre- whichever is higher (Rs.0.10/Litre pollution surcharge) 

12% or Rs9.00/Litre- whichever is higher (Rs.0.10/Litre pollution surcharge) 

Mizoram

25% VAT

14.5% VAT

Nagaland

25% VAT or Rs. 16.04/litre whichever is higher +5% surcharge + Rs.2.00/Litre as road maintenance cess 

16.50% VAT or Rs. 10.51/litre whichever is higher +5% surcharge + Rs.2.00/Litre as road maintenance cess 

Odisha

32% VAT

28% VAT

Puducherry

23% VAT

17.75% VAT

Punjab

Rs.2050/KL (cess)+ Rs.0.10 per Litre (Urban Transport Fund) + 0.25 per Litre (Special Infrastructure Development Fee)+24.79% VAT+10% additional tax on VAT

Rs.1050/KL (cess) + Rs.0.10 per Litre (Urban Transport Fund) +0.25 per Litre (Special Infrastructure Development Fee) + 15.94% VAT+10% additional tax on VAT

Rajasthan

36% VAT+Rs 1500/KL road development cess

26% VAT+ Rs.1750/KL road development cess

Sikkim

25.25% VAT+ Rs.3000/KL cess 

14.75% VAT + Rs.2500/KL cess 

Tamil Nadu

13% + Rs.11.52 per litre

11%  + Rs.9.62 per litre

Telangana

35.20% VAT

27% VAT

Tripura

25% VAT+ 3% Tripura Road Development Cess

16.50% VAT+ 3% Tripura Road Development Cess

Uttar Pradesh

26.80% or Rs 18.74/Litre whichever is higher

17.48% or Rs 10.41/Litre whichever is higher

Uttarakhand

25% or Rs 19 Per Ltr whichever is greater

17.48% or Rs Rs 10.41 Per Ltr whichever is greater

West Bengal

25% or Rs.13.12/litre whichever is higher as sales tax+ Rs.1000/KL cess – Rs 1000/KL sales tax rebate (20% Additional tax on VAT as irrecoverable tax)

17% or Rs.7.70/litre whichever is higher as sales tax + Rs 1000/KL cess – Rs 1000/KL sales tax rebate (20% Additional tax on VAT as irrecoverable tax)

Sources: Petroleum Planning and Analysis Cell, Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas; PRS.